Meritocracy in UK Education: Bernstein and Bourdieu

Meritocracy in UK Education: Bernstein and Bourdieu ‘Education policy in the UK now contributes to a more meritocratic society. Discuss the various explanations that sociologists have offered for differences in educational outcomes Introduction Many policy developments regarding education have had as their express aim the need to make the education system fairer (including the 1870 and 1944 Education Acts and the 1988 Education Reform Act, which introduced the National Curriculm): that is, to achieve a position in which educational achievement reflects children’s innate ability.[1] However, despite these manifest aims the basic pattern of educational achievement remains stratified along lines of class, race and gender: in general, children from middle and upper class families (as defined by the occupational grouping of the father) tend to achieve both a longer and more qualified education (see Douglas, 1964 or Halsey et al, 1980). Similarly, race differentials of attainment are also evident (see Orr, 2003). Finally, educational outcomes, despite successive attempts to overcome them, remain gendered: girls tend to be concentrated within the ‘feminine’ subjects such as English, whilst boys tend to do bette r in mathematics and the sciences (see Thomas, 1990). However, the largest factor affecting educational outcomes in the UK remains class: this is not to say that all working class children fail educationally; however, there remains a strong correlation between social class and achievement levels. Thus, despite a widespread belief in the meritocratic nature of modern western society this belief may in fact be little more than a legitimating ideology: it is therefore the unequal educational outcomes of children with similar ‘natural’ abilities that social theorists have sought to explain. However, as many theoretical approaches have been utilised in this attempt as the number of theorists so involved: theorists with liberal, conservative, feminist and socialist leanings may further show actor-centred, structuralist or functionalist tendencies to their explanatory schemas. In this essay I have decided to concentrate on the work of two theorists, Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein, my reasoning is threefold: firstly, space limitations negate the feasibility of a broader survey; next, though Bernstein was previously influential within educational theory, it is the work of Bourdieu that now appears ascendant and to have wider applicability; finally, whilst both Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein have been associated with class-based analysis, it is that of Bourdieu that has subsequently been more widely adopted, therefore they provide neatly contrasting explanations of educational differentials. In the next section I outline the educational theory of Basil Bernstein; in the following that of Pierre Bourdieu. In the conclusion, I critically asses both approaches, arguing that, whilst at first glance they appear similar in that they both aim to account predominantly for the class-based dimension to educational differentials, in fact it is the more subtle and nuanced theory of Bourdieu that is better able to account for educational differentials of a wider type: those based on gender, race, and class. Basil Bernstein: The Elaborated and Restricted Codes Basil Bernstein (1925-2000) initially developed his account of the elaborated and restricted codes during his time teaching young men motorcycle repair in the 1960s. It was then that he noticed the different ways in which language was used by the tutors and pupils, leading him to conclude that it was in fact two different forms of language that were being used: the restricted and elaborated codes. He defined the ‘restricted’ code as being inherently context bound, emotion based and reliant on condensed symbols: ‘restricted codes are more tied to a local structure and have a reduced potential for change’ (Bernstein, 1972: 164). In contrast, the ‘elaborated’ codes ‘orient their users towards universalistic meanings’ (Ibid.) and are defined by Bernstein as utilising rationality and logic; ‘elaborated’ codes are thus described by Bernstein as being context-free; it is the elaborated code that Bernstein takes to be dominant within education. Bernstein believed that the elaborated language code is the norm for the middle classes, whilst the restricted code is usually used both within working-class and middle-class families, with differences the result of the ‘cultural transmission’, via socialisation, that turns the biological infant into a cultural being (Bernstein, 1972: 162). He argued that the process of socialisation naturalises the social order and occurs via social institutions such as the family and school. He identified two family types: the ‘positional’ and the ‘person-centred’, and these are likely to utilise specific modes of interaction (Bernstein, 1972: 170). Arguing that all children have access to the restricted code, Bernstein believed that it is only those from the person-centred family type (the middle-class families) who are likely to have had regular contact with the imaginative and interpersonal language of the elaborated code outside of formal education, giving them an advantage within education: Historically and now, only a tiny percentage of the population has been socialised into knowledge at the level of meta-languages of control and innovation, whereas the mass of the population has been socialised into knowledge at the level of context-tied operations (Bernstein, 1972: 163). In short, the language used within the home gives middle class children an advantage at school; they ‘speak the same language’ as the teachers. Bernstein does not argue that either mode is better than the other, his aims to be a descriptive, rather than a prescriptive, account; instead he argues that it is the educational system itself that favours one code above the other and thus privileges the children of one group, middle-class children. Pierre Bourdieu: Cultural Capital Similar to Bernstein, Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) developed his theory of cultural capital as part of an attempt to explain the class-based educational differentials between children with similar natural abilities. Two concepts are central to this schema: those of cultural capital and cultural reproduction. In the first, culture is viewed as similar to power (Bourdieu, 1986: 243) because, like money, one is able to inherit it and it can be translated into other social resources, including wealth and status (Bourdieu, 1986: 244-5). It is this transferability of cultural capital that leads to the second key concept, that of cultural reproduction: for in this schema the class that dominates economically is also able to dominate culturally and ideologically; thus, similarly to Bernstein, schools play a key role in socio-cultural reproduction by valuing middle-class culture more highly than that of the working-classes. Bourdieu isolates three distinct types of cultural capital, embodied, objectified and institutionalised: the first describes the way that cultural capital becomes incorporated into the very body of the individual (Bourdieu, 1986: 244-5); the second refers to artefacts which may be inherited (Bourdieu, 1986: 246); whilst the third refers to those academic qualifications which allow an individual access to economic capital via the job market (Bourdieu, 1986: 247). In this way schools, along with other institutions, help to both naturalise and perpetuate inequality. Like economic capital for Karl Marx, for Bourdieu cultural capital has the capacity to reproduce itself ‘in identical or expanded form’ (Bourdieu, 1986: 241). In short, for Bourdieu education plays a key role in legitimising and naturalising social inequality; for if all children are believed to have equal opportunities to succeed according to their ability then any failure must be a result of differences in their level of ability: it must be their own fault rather than the fault of the system as a whole. Bourdieu posits the educational shortcomings of the working classes on their situational constraints in two ways; firstly, the objective class position of the children’s family is used to provide the basis for assumptions regarding the kind of cultural resources they therefore hold; secondly, their social position limits the amount and type of capital an individual is likely to accrue and pass on to their children. Within Bourdieu’s theory, each economic class is thus assumed to have developed a ‘class culture’, or way of both acting in and perceiving the social world, and in this way social inequality is intern alised or embodied as it is also naturalised. Analysis and Conclusion The two approaches appear similar at first glance; both concentrate on the class-based aspects of educational inequality, and, as such, both are open to the criticism that they fail to account for other educational differences, such as those resulting from race or gender (McCall, 1992: 851). Further, both approaches are liable to be criticised for their economic determinism: John Frow has argued that with Bourdieu’s approach the cultural resources of an individual are merely assumed from their class position (Frow, 1995: 63) and this criticism might equally be applied to Bernstein. Finally, both approaches entail the idea that differential educational achievement is best explained with references to ‘barriers’ to achievement: both posit the way that society is organised, the education system in particular, as itself limiting the ability of some children to succeed. However, Bernstein’s theory has been criticised empirically, theoretically and ideologically; first, little empirical is cited to support his hypothesis and he conducted no participation observation of either middle or working class family homes (Rosen, 1974: 10). Theoretically, Bernstein utilises a crude conception of class analysis which ignores the ruling class entirely whilst also concentrating solely on the unskilled section of the working class (Rosen, 1974: 6). He fails to address the relations between the two classes (Ibid.), further, by concentrating on the role of the family his theory fails to acknowledge other institutions or the role of peer groups or the media (Rosen, 1974: 7). Finally, he fails to acknowledge the effect that the attitude of the teacher toward their students may have on their education. Whilst there is a ‘grain of truth’ to his argument, in that there are differences in the language use of the various social classes, by attributing t he failure of working class children solely to their language-use Bernstein misses the point: it is not the language that inherently contains power, but rather it is the broader education system that, by imposing middle-class culture via pedagogic authority, limits the ability of working class children to succeed. Although he aims to only describe the differences between the two language types, Bernstein himself falls into the ethno-linguistic trap of believing his own language use to be the superior form (Rosen, 1974: 6). Finally, as Deborah Cameron states: ‘the theory of codes could be boiled down to a political truism, those who do not speak the language of the dominant elite find it difficult to get on’ (Cameron, 1985: 159-160). Bourdieu’s approach is more subtle; although he agues, similarly to Bernstein, that language plays a key role in the under achievement of the working classes, Bourdieu’s explanation involves many other factors, including the development of a specific habitus, or set of predispositions, and the social, cultural and economic capitals. Thus Bourdieu does not point to language as the sole cause of working-class children’s educational failure, but instead describes a complex process that not only attempts to account for this failure but also its internalisation. Indeed, Bourdieu’s theory is supported by in-depth participation-observation, rather than the assumption and anecdote of Bernstein, reflecting his recognition of the complexity of the causes of unequal educational achievement. In recent years Bernstein’s theory, though once influential, has fallen out of favour within educational sociology, as a quick survey of recent articles reveals, whilst the theory of cultural capital has become increasingly influential (Burkett, 2001). Whilst at first glance the theories appear similar, in fact it is the theory of Bourdieu that is better able to account for educational differentials of a wider type: those based on gender, race, and class and many theorists have sought to thus extend the theory to account for these wider differentials (see, for example, McNay, 1999; Reay, 2004). Indeed, Ben Fine has argued that academia has been gripped by a kind of ‘capital’ mania (in Burkett, 2004: 234), in part, at least, attesting to the strength of the explanatory schema. Bibliography Bernstein, Basil (1972) ‘Social Class, Language and Socialisation’, Language and Social Context: Selected Readings, Giglioli, Pier Paolo (Ed.), London: Penguin Education, pp. 157-178. Bourdieu, Pierre (1986) ‘The forms of Capital’ in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, Richardson, J (Ed.), London: Greenwood Press, pp. 241-258. Burkett, Paul (2001) ‘Book Review: Social Capital versus Social Theory: Political Economy and Social Science at the Turn of the Millennium’ by Ben Fine, London: Routledge, Historical Materialism, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 233-246. Cameron, Deborah (1985) ‘Beyond Alienation: An Integrational Approach to Women and Language’, Feminism and Linguistic Theory, London: MacMillan, pp 134 – 161. Douglas, J.W.B (1964) The Home and the School: A Study of Ability and Attainment in the Primary School, London: MacGibbon. Frow, John (1995) ‘Accounting for Tastes: Some Problems in Bourdieu’s Sociology of Culture’, Cultural Studies, Vol. 1(No. 1), pp. 59-73. Halsey, A.H; Heath, A Ridge, J.M (1980) Origins and Destinations: Family Class and Education in Modern Britain, Oxford: Clarendon Press. McNay, Lois (1999) ‘Gender, Habitus and the Field: Pierre Bourdieu and the Limits of Reflexivity’, Theory, Culture and Society, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 95-117. Orr, Amy (2003) ‘Black-White Differences in Achievement: The Importance of Wealth’, Sociology of Education, Vol. 76, pp. 281-304. Piper, David Warren (1984) ‘The Question of Fairness’, Is Higher Education Fair to Women?, Acker, Sandra and Piper, David Warren (Eds.), Guilford: SRHE and NFER-NELSON, pp. 3-24. Reay, Diane (2004) ‘It’s all Becoming a Habitus’: Beyond the Habitual use of Habitus in Educational Research’, British Journal of Sociology of Education, Vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 431-444. Rosen, Harold (1974 [1972]) Language and Class: A Critical Look at the Theories of Basil Bernstein (3rd Ed.), Bristol: Falling Wall Press. Thomas, Kim (1990) ‘The Question of Gender’ and ‘Feminism and Education’ in Gender and Subject in Higher Education, Buckingham: SRHE Open University Press, pp. 1 – 23. 1 Footnotes [1] See David Warren Piper (1984) for a discussion regarding the feasibility of attaining true ‘fairness’ in education.

Prevention and Treatment for TB at Arequipa Sanatorium :: Tuberculosis Health Medical Essays

Prevention and Treatment for TB at Arequipa Sanatorium Arequipa Sanatorium and its â€Å"pottery† for tuberculosis treatment was founded in 1911 in the town of Fairfax, Marin County in the Northern Bay Area of California. [1] It was from the outset a private enterprise initiated by Dr. Philip King Brown. On October 22, 1913, a twenty-one year old housewife weighing 111 pounds, was admitted to Arequipa for â€Å"coughing on exertion.† When she was discharged home on February 28, 1914, she had worked at Arequipa Pottery over 105 hours, and had earned four dollars and five cents for it. She never gained more than three pounds and was probably discharged more for her lack of ability to work, than for being â€Å"cured.† A month earlier, the nurse Superintendent at Arequipa had written a letter to the Associated Charities of San Francisco, saying that â€Å"unless (the woman) is able to earn her way in the pottery, I doubt that we will be able to maintain her at the Sanitarium any longer.† [2] This young woman’s experience with sanatorium treatment at Arequipa, underscores a contradiction in the treatment of tuberculosis in the Progressive Era. Arequipa means â€Å"Place of Rest,† and while enforced rest was fundamental to Brown’s regimen, he also considered work to be therapeutic. Requiring work from patients helped â€Å"solve† the problem of how women of â€Å"modest means† could avoid destitution from their illness. It also helped Brown financially support his enterprise. The contradiction of using both rest and work as treatment at Arequipa provides a window into the complexity of health and social reform in the Progressive Era. In The Tuberculosis Movement, Michael Teller notes that in the mid 1800s the notion of the hereditary origin of TB â€Å"darkened every hope of prevention or cure.†[3] In her 1996 cultural history Fevered Lives, Katherine Ott, argues that the acceptance of TB after Koch’s discovery of the tubercule bacillus in 1882, transformed â€Å"consumption† into the specific and more clearly defined diagnosis of â€Å"tuberculosis.† In fact, sufferers and the public experienced these two conditions as two separate but related diseases.[4] Prevention and treatment of tuberculosis in the Progressive Era, included both older ideas of the disease as hereditary and the new understanding that the disease was infectious. Without effective medical treatment and without a modern understanding of the dormant and active phases of the disease, eugenic ideas about pre-disposition to TB coexisted with limited and mechanical ideas about infection control.

Assessment In The Classroom Essay

The school has a comprehensive, well set out assessment-policy which I have tried to familiarise myself with during my second four week university block away from the school, as I sourced a copy of it during my serial weeks along with a number of other school policy documents both required for (and beyond) the school-policy professional activity exercise. I have found this has helped me get to grips with the procedures within the school and has helped me fit in. Though the school assessment policy document is comprehensive in its description of the responsibility for planning of and approaches to recording and reporting of assessment, and the use of assessment results. It also interestingly, takes time to highlight the importance of using whole class assessment as a means of reflecting and evaluating one’s own teaching practices; something which the PGDE course has stressed is a central part of the modern-day teaching profession. More specifically however, I have also been fortunate enough to witness the effective use of a variety of assessment practices by my teacher in the classroom which I feel has been invaluable in furthering my understanding of styles of assessment and how these work. Indeed while I was aware of many of the features of the school policy document, I feel that to see these in action in the classroom is a process which cannot be communicated in written form. That said, I have been aware of the majority of these as they feature in Assessment is for Learning (AiFL) and Building the Curriculum 5: Assessment (BTC5) policy documents and so this combined with the provision of information in the school assessment policy guide placed me in good stead to look out for these in practice. Two Stars and a Wish The two stars approach was something I was familiar with the workings of through our use of it in assessing our own poster-display work in ULT/ELT seminars. It was however interesting to see how differently children responded in the classroom. Beyond engaging with the terminology far more than my fellow-students (who often mixed up the order) children seem surprisingly keen to improve if they can and focus not only on the two stars element, but also focus (positively) on the wish – seemingly happy to take advice on what to do better next time (again, sometimes more so than my PGDE colleagues)! Self Assessment I feel very positive and encouraged by the use of self assessment by my teacher who has demonstrated how effective this approach can be in identifying both success and problems equally. Indeed self-assessment appears to me, to allow children to feel as though they are playing an active role in the learning process as a whole and not simply a subject of learning and assessment. The thumbs (up, middle or down) approach also seems appealing as it is very efficient in that it allows a simple yet comprehensive snapshot of how pupils rate their own understanding. Further follow-up questioning also seems to be an effective part of the self assessment process. She has also demonstrated however that self-assessment is not limited to the simplistic thumbs or traffic-light colour approach (which was most obvious to me), through her interesting use of a traffic light workbook stamp which children are required to colour-in (green, orange or red) on their own work, before detailing a short reason to justify their choice which provides useful and often specific feedback on teaching which would seem to be a useful tool in the reflection and improvement process. Peer Assessment The use of peer assessment appears prominent in my teacher’s classroom presumably because she so eagerly embraces cooperative learning and thus children are often not only self- assessing their own work but also that of their partner or group. I feel this could be an effective approach to introducing peer assessment of individual work to a class who have not experienced this before – as it may well demonstrate the importance of being polite (but honest) when assessing other pupils work. Formal assessment I was fortunate enough to observe my class being formally assessed on both writing and spelling during my serial placement. Though the need for a comprehensive awareness of assessment is arguably now greater (now that I am giving my own lessons) than was the case during my observation weeks, and it is difficult to discuss something which took place so many weeks ago, I feel I am able to reflect on these early experiences enough to be able to appreciate the key elements of formal assessment. I believe I have an awareness of the principled approaches needed to implement formal assessment. Ultimately I feel my teacher’s competent and varied use of these approaches to assessment (even at this early stage of my placement) has given me the working awareness needed to implement them and also the confidence to begin to take steps towards using a greater range of these in a number of my future lesson plans.

Grim First-Quarter Results for Newspapers Essay

This particular article talks about the continuing decline in newspaper subscriptions and purchases by the general public.   Many people believe that the newspapers and all print magazines are well on their way to being extinction.   Many critics believe the reason for this is because the news can easily and efficiently be found and read on the internet.   The world wide web offers a great source of news but beyond that it allows for people to have a discussion about news topics.   This leads to a more well rounded approach to every issue that becomes news worthy.   No longer is the public blindly fed whatever the newspapers want them to read. The public can aggressively seek out information, both sides of the story, on the internet.   Obviously, as an online news reader you have to be good at research and just as good at telling the truth from fiction.   However, I think the decline of the newspaper has very little to do with the internet and blogging. In today’s world, newspaper are so focused on selling adds and inserts that they fail to offer the public any interesting information.   Who wants to wade through all the advertisements only to find the information you want squished between what is on sale at the grocery store and what’s one sale at JcPenney’s.   When you pay for a newspaper you are paying for the news not be manipulated by marketing companies telling you what you should be, buy, and strive for.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Online I can search for exactly the news story I want.   I have direct access to all the information and I don’t have to dispose of all those paper inserts trying to sell me shoes.   Newspapers have failed to keep up with the demands on a now much more well informed public.   Instead of having better articles written by better authors to increase circulation (thus increasing profit) they have chosen to fill up every extra piece of space with marketing junk that most news reader could care less about.   Newspapers will die out but only because they believe money was more important than truth. lGrim First-Quarter Results for Newspapers lAd Revenue From Web Operations Become More Important to Publishers By Nat Ives Published: April 14, 2006 NEW YORK (AdAge.com) — Newspapers made a bit of a grim display this week when they reported their first-quarter earnings, revealing profit declines at The New York Times Co., Tribune Co., McClatchy Co. and powerhouse Gannett Co., but displayed at every turn the rising importance of the Web to their businesses. The New York Times Co. reported perhaps the brightest results yesterday, even though first-quarter profit fell 68.5% to $35 million from $111 million a year earlier. That apparent free fall, however, mostly reflected the extra income in last year’s first quarter when the company sold its headquarters in Times Square. About.com boosts Times Co. The Web played a big role in the company’s overall respectable results. Ad revenue rose 3.9% in the first quarter to $554.6 million, up from $533.8 million in the year previous quarter. The Times Co. ad increases were largely delivered by About.com; without that property, ad revenue would have increased just 0.7%. Earnings per share were 4 cents, a penny higher than the analysts’ consensus expectation compiled by Thomson Financial. â€Å"Our results in the first quarter reflect higher advertising and circulation revenues at The New York Times Media Group and the Regional Media Group, in part due to the introduction of innovative new products,† said Janet L. Robinson, president-CEO. But The Boston Globe’s unit, The New England Media Group, was again hit hard by consolidation among advertisers and a tough competitive environment, she said. Tribune looks to Web assets Another heavy-hitter, The Tribune Co., reported yesterday that its first-quarter earnings also fell to the tune of 28%, with flat ad revenue. The Tribune owns newspapers including The Los Angeles Times and The Chicago Tribune. Tribune expects online ad revenues to contribute about $350 million in 2006; it counts a stake a CareerBuilder.com among its Web assets. McClatchy Co., which agreed last month to buy Philadelphia Inquirer parent Knight Ridder, reported a 14.2% decline in first-quarter net income. Ad revenue at McClatchy, which houses newspapers including the Sacramento Bee, grew 1.4% to $237.1 million. The powerhouse that is Gannett turned in perhaps the most surprising report on April 12, announcing that net income sank 11.5% in the first quarter. Its newspapers’ ad revenue grew 5.7% to nearly $1.3 billion, but that factors in acquisitions without which first-quarter ad revenue would actually have fallen 1.8%. At its flagship USA Today, ad revenues declined 4.2%.

THE HISTORY OF THE GUITAR Essays - String Instruments, Guitar

THE HISTORY OF THE GUITAR Essays - String Instruments, Guitar THE HISTORY OF THE GUITAR The guitar is a fretted, stringed instrument, and is a member of the lute family. It originated in Persia and reached Spain during the twelth-century, where it?s versatility as both a solo and accompanying instrument were established. The theory of the guitar was discovered in the early centuries. They found that the sound of a bowstring could be enhanced by attaching a resonating chamber -most like a tortiseshell- to the bow. From the bow came essentially three main types of stringed instruments: the Harp family, which was the sound of plucked strings indirectly transmitted to an attached sound box. The second was the Lyre family, which was strings of a fixed pitch are attached to the directly to a sound chamber. And the third was the Lute family, this was were the pitch of strings was altered by pressing them against a neck that is attached directly to a sound chamber. Within the Lute family came two groups. The lutes proper which had rounded backs and the guitar type instruments w ith their flat backs. Guitar-shaped instruments appear in stone bas-relief sculptures of the hittites in northern Syria and Asia Minor from as far back as 1350 B.C. The word guitar also has origins in the middle and far east, deriving from gut, is the Arabic word for four, and tar, the Sanskrit word for string. The earliest European guitars did have four courses of gut strings. A 2 course is a pair of strings tuned in unison. These early guitars were distinguished from lutes by body sides that curved inward to form a waist and by four courses of strings. Some but not all early guitars had a flat back, while lutes always had a flat back. In the Middle Ages and the Renaissance the lute was the dominant fretted instrument. The lute with was pear-shaped and had five or more courses of strings was generally regarded as a higher class of instrument. By 1546 the guitar had gained enough popularity to merit the publication of a book of guitar music. By this time guitars had added another course, and modern tuning had come into existence. Chord positions were the same as they are today. The frets of the early guitars were made of gut and tied around the neck. This made placement of frets very difficult. The early guitars were also much shorter in length than todays guitars. The second most popular instrument during the Middle ages was the cittern. It was more like the modern guitar than any other during that time. It had metal strings, fixed frets, a fingerboard that extended onto the top, a flat back, and a movable bridge with strings anchored by a tailpiece; and it was played with a quill or plectrum(pick). But this modern instrument soon lost its popularity and disappeared by the late 1600?s. Through the 1600?s and 1700?s the guitar design changed very little, although interest increased around luthiers. In the 1770?s the first guitars with six single strings appeared, 3 blowing the evolutionary lid off the instrument. Within the next few decades, numerous innovations followed: body waists became narrower and body bouts changed shape, becoming circular in northern Europe and more oval shaped in southern Europe. Inlaid frets of brass or ivory replaced the tied on gut frets and the neck was extended one full octave(12 frets) clear of the body. Metal tuners with machine heads began to replace friction pegs, and strings were anchored by bridge pins, replacing the method of tying strings to the bridge. By the 1820?s most of the fingerboard extended all the way to the soundhole. As rapidly as the guitar changed so did it?s acceptance. By the 1800?s the Lute had all but disappeared. One of the best known makers of this new-style of guitar was Johann Georg Staufer of Vienna. Staufer and another maker Johann Ertel in 1822 designed a fingerboard raised off the top of the guitar, and experimented with different fret metals, settling on an alloy of brass,copper,silver, and arsenic. The first half of the 19th century was a time of great experimentation for the guitar. And many of the innovations that were credited to 20th century makers were actually tried a

Gay Marriage and Decision Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court

Gay Marriage and Decision Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court Introduction In 2003, Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled in favour of gays and lesbians, a decision which has stirred mixed reactions from different people worldwide. The practice is spreading fast, and becoming accepted by different countries and states, among them New Hampshire, Columbia, Connecticut, Vermont, California, New York, and Oregon. Other countries though, have strongly opposed the practice, with others passing legislation against it.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Gay Marriage and Decision Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Among those who have written articles on this contentious topic are Poet Katha Pollitt, who supports it and lawyer Charles Colson who strongly opposes this kind of marriage, asserting that it does not only affect those who embrace it but all. The future though, is uncertain about the legality of this issue, which could change at any given t ime. Katha Pollitt Pollitt supports the institution of gay unions and does not think it threatens the marriage institutions in any way. She analyzes the various reasons why people get married which she lists as procreation, men domestication, and the historical justification. According to her, there are couples who only get married when pregnancy occurs, and this alone cannot pass as a justification to marriage. What of the infertile, the impotent, the elderly, or those who indulge in family planning? What of those who get married for purposes of intimacy? Are their marriages illegitimate? These scenarios negate David’s and Jean’s lines of reason, because these marriages are as well valid as are those who are in it principally for procreation (571). Pollitt argues that this is one of the dictatorial and insolent reasons of marriage the writers could give. Supported by statistical evidence, Gilder argues that women literally domesticate men, affirming that most married men exempt themselves from wrong doings such as drug abuse, crashing cars, and committing suicide (571). On the contrary, he still affirms that husbandly failures such as disloyalty, betrayal, domestic violence, and abandonment, still exist in marriages. Pollitt on the other hand views these marriages as a â€Å"barbarian adoption,† and doesn’t feel that women should undertake it, because they haven’t been thriving in it nevertheless. Either, from the same point of view, she doesn’t believe that marriage should be limited to heterosexuals; because same sex marriages do not impose on the male enhancement project in any way. From historical point of view, Pollitt points out that the institution of marriage has revolutionalized with adoption of love, legality, monogamous and voluntary based marriages, as opposed to the old times , where marriages constituted of polyandry, arranged marriages, forced marriages, and child marriages. Gay marriages stand out like a fairy tale in both scenarios.Advertising Looking for essay on social sciences? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Critics of gay marriage according to Pollitt, have little consideration for many other factors that have weakened the bond of heterosexual marriages including wobbliness, individualization, the easy of dissolution, and flexibility, among others. She argues that basically, people get married despite their difference in age, cultures, health status, and even against the doctrines of their religious beliefs; so why not give a chance to gay marriages, who accordingly can procreate- as in the case of lesbians or adopt children where gays are involved. She goes further to say that in today’s contemporary society, marriage is not based on some baseless beliefs in social and biological theories, nor is it a societal dispensation, it is, and should be based on love, commitment and stability. According to he r, for as long as marriage exists, it should not be restricted to anyone who wants it. In conclusion, the bottom line of opposition to gay marriages according to Pollitt, lies with religious chauvinism, which strongly opposes gay culture; in fact there exist a an arresting connection of religion with opposition to gay relations. This explains why so many people can put up with civil unions as opposed to religious unions. The religious faithfuls believe that gays and lesbians cannot serve God as diligently, as they have already gone against the doctrines that dictate marriage. But Pollitt argues that marriage doesn’t necessarily have to be blessed by God but rather, what a government permits; according to her, it is entirely owned by the state. Despite that people undertake big church weddings, they still have to seek marriage licences from the state. According to her, gays and lesbians should be allowed to get married despite religious opposition. She concludes by saying that â€Å"gay marriage-it’s not about sex, it’s about separation of church and state† (Pollitt 572). Charles Colson Charles Colson, in his book â€Å"gay marriage: societal suicide† counters Katha’s viewpoint to gay marriages. According to Colson â€Å"marriage is the traditional block of human society† (577). He states that one the main reasons for marriage is uniting couples and procreation, principles which gay marriage negates, the result; crime, births out of wedlock, increased family breakups, among others. To reinforce his argument, Colson says he has witnessed the shortcomings of family breakages during his thirty-year ministry in prisons. Supported by figures, Colson argues that children brought up in family knit relations, are much more likely to be involved in felonies and disastrous life, than those brought up in split families. Further, children brought up in broken homes undergo more behavioural and academic predicaments, a vice w hich Colson argues that it’s largely contributed to by consenting gay marriages. Contrary to critics who don’t believe that heterosexual marriage are weakened by gay marriages, Kurtz argues that they indeed change the culture of marriage and parenthood, a fact that Norwegians have been experienced , through shooting up out of wedlock births and increased cohabiting after their courts imposed gay marriage in 1993.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Gay Marriage and Decision Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Supported by tradition and history, Colson argues that the best environment to bring up children is within a family with both parents and that’s why according to him, same sex marriages should never be legalized. He finalizes by saying that â€Å"marriage is not a private institution designed solely for the individual gratification of its participants† ( 578). He is in full support of the â€Å"Federal Marriage Amendment,† which he says will help abate chaos and crimes (Colson 578). Conclusion Comparing the two writers Pollitt and Colson, their arguments stand valid to any reader of their work. Pollitt arguably supports same sex marriages, basing on state legislation, modernity, and freedom of humanity. Colson on the other hand, opposes the practice and devalues it in line of history, societal morals, and religion, which he is a strong believer. He insinuates that the acts of crime and chaotic life experienced in today’s world, are a result of broken homes which are largely contributed to by same sex marriages. Despite that both arguments pass, we have to agree that same sex marriage is rapidly gaining recognition in most parts of the world despite whether there is legislation in support or not. Its one of the things the world has to adapt to, because it will continue to exist. Some people even argue that, gay and lesb ians are not made, they are born. So what would legislation achieve in that case? Much as Colson asserts that most crimes result from broken homes, it’s not entirely true; there are other causes as well. In conclusion, same sex marriages will happen, either, its one of the disorders the world is experiencing, largely contributed to by individual beliefs and the modern lifestyle. Thus, the choice of what to believe in is a personal choice, which more often than not, is defined by religion and the rule of law. X. J. Kennedy, Dorothy M. Kennedy, and Jane E. Aaron. The bedford reader. 10 Edn. Thornwood: Bedford Books, 2008. Print.

AntiWar Movement

The antiwar movement against Vietnam in the US from 1965-1971 was the most significant movement of its kind in the nation’s history. After evaluating different social theories such as: Functionalism, Conflict and Interactionism, I have decided to classify the Anti-War movement during the Vietnam War as a Conflict Theory. I feel the Anti-War Movement’s has characteristics of Neo-Marxism. Though the first American protests against U. S. intervention in Vietnam took place in 1963, the antiwar movement did not begin in diligence until two years later, when President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered massive U. S. military intervention and the sustained bombing of North Vietnam. Chambers) 2000. In the spring of 1965, â€Å"teach? ins† against the war were held on many college campuses. The Anti-War Movement was centered on America’s higher-education system, the students, playing leading roles. Teach-ins were extreme, massive public protests. By 1968 Protesters numbered close to seven million and over half of them were Caucasian college students. The teach-ins were primarily peaceful, but effective. They were successful in capturing the attention of the public as well as those in government. The motivation behind teach-ins were just that, with the hopes of further escalation in Vietnam to slow down or come to a halt. In April 1965, President Johnson gave a major Vietnam address at John Hopkins University, in response to the growing campus protest activity. This speech marked the political impact of campus demonstrations. (Electric Library) This is an example of Neo-Marxism. The protestors were getting a partial system change. They had the attention of the public, and most importantly the government. However, by 1967 a lot of anti-war activists began to think peaceful protests were not going to be enough to influence war policy, so they began using civil disobediences, strikes, public disruption, shouting at government speakers and guerilla theatre to get their message heard loud and clear. In March 1967, a national organization of draft resisters was formed. In April 1967, more than 300,000 people demonstrated against the war in New York. Six months later, 50,000 surrounded the Pentagon, sparking nearly 700 arrests. By this time it became typical for, senior Johnson administration officials to encounter demonstrators when speaking in public, forcing them to restrict their outside appearances. Many also had sons, daughters, or wives who opposed the war, fueling the sense of attack. Prominent participants in the antiwar movement included Dr. Benjamin Spock, Robert Lowell, Harry Belafonte, and Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. With prominent leaders extending their support in the movement it gave the activist a great deal of motivation and validation. The social theory of Neo-Marxism was in full effect. By 1968, the Johnson administration realized the impact of widespread public opposition to the war and the troubling prospects in Vietnam, causing them to put a halt on the bombing of North Vietnam and to stabilize the ground war. This policy reversal was the major turning point. U. S. troop strength in Vietnam would climax at 543,000 (Chambers) 2000. The antiwar movement reached its peak under President Richard M. Nixon. In October 1969, more than 2 million people participated in Vietnam Moratorium protests across the country. The following month, over 500,000 demonstrated in Washington and 150,000 in San 4 Francisco. Militant protest, continued to spread, leading many Americans to wonder whether the war was worth a split society. And other forms of antiwar activity lingered on. The Nixon administration took a host of measures to dull the movement, mainly mobilizing supporters, smearing the movement, tracking it, withdrawing U. S. troops from Vietnam, instituting a draft lottery, and eventually ending draft calls. Once U. S. troops began coming home, the antiwar movement gradually declined between 1971 and 1975 (Chambers) 2000. The American movement against the Vietnam War was the most successful antiwar movement in U. S. history. The Neo-Marxism social theory is easily applied to the Anti-War Movement. The characteristics of the conflict were disorder, boycotts, intense conflict, commitment, and emotional involvement all of which resulted in system change. The activists involved in the Anti-War movement of this time were passionate and dedicated to seek change. They sought out peace and love for our Country and did not lose sight of their objective. They went to great lengths to achieve what seemed like the impossible. References http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O126-VietnamAntiwarMovement.html AntiWar Movement The antiwar movement against Vietnam in the US from 1965-1971 was the most significant movement of its kind in the nation’s history. After evaluating different social theories such as: Functionalism, Conflict and Interactionism, I have decided to classify the Anti-War movement during the Vietnam War as a Conflict Theory. I feel the Anti-War Movement’s has characteristics of Neo-Marxism. Though the first American protests against U. S. intervention in Vietnam took place in 1963, the antiwar movement did not begin in diligence until two years later, when President Lyndon B. Johnson ordered massive U. S. military intervention and the sustained bombing of North Vietnam. Chambers) 2000. In the spring of 1965, â€Å"teach? ins† against the war were held on many college campuses. The Anti-War Movement was centered on America’s higher-education system, the students, playing leading roles. Teach-ins were extreme, massive public protests. By 1968 Protesters numbered close to seven million and over half of them were Caucasian college students. The teach-ins were primarily peaceful, but effective. They were successful in capturing the attention of the public as well as those in government. The motivation behind teach-ins were just that, with the hopes of further escalation in Vietnam to slow down or come to a halt. In April 1965, President Johnson gave a major Vietnam address at John Hopkins University, in response to the growing campus protest activity. This speech marked the political impact of campus demonstrations. (Electric Library) This is an example of Neo-Marxism. The protestors were getting a partial system change. They had the attention of the public, and most importantly the government. However, by 1967 a lot of anti-war activists began to think peaceful protests were not going to be enough to influence war policy, so they began using civil disobediences, strikes, public disruption, shouting at government speakers and guerilla theatre to get their message heard loud and clear. In March 1967, a national organization of draft resisters was formed. In April 1967, more than 300,000 people demonstrated against the war in New York. Six months later, 50,000 surrounded the Pentagon, sparking nearly 700 arrests. By this time it became typical for, senior Johnson administration officials to encounter demonstrators when speaking in public, forcing them to restrict their outside appearances. Many also had sons, daughters, or wives who opposed the war, fueling the sense of attack. Prominent participants in the antiwar movement included Dr. Benjamin Spock, Robert Lowell, Harry Belafonte, and Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. With prominent leaders extending their support in the movement it gave the activist a great deal of motivation and validation. The social theory of Neo-Marxism was in full effect. By 1968, the Johnson administration realized the impact of widespread public opposition to the war and the troubling prospects in Vietnam, causing them to put a halt on the bombing of North Vietnam and to stabilize the ground war. This policy reversal was the major turning point. U. S. troop strength in Vietnam would climax at 543,000 (Chambers) 2000. The antiwar movement reached its peak under President Richard M. Nixon. In October 1969, more than 2 million people participated in Vietnam Moratorium protests across the country. The following month, over 500,000 demonstrated in Washington and 150,000 in San 4 Francisco. Militant protest, continued to spread, leading many Americans to wonder whether the war was worth a split society. And other forms of antiwar activity lingered on. The Nixon administration took a host of measures to dull the movement, mainly mobilizing supporters, smearing the movement, tracking it, withdrawing U. S. troops from Vietnam, instituting a draft lottery, and eventually ending draft calls. Once U. S. troops began coming home, the antiwar movement gradually declined between 1971 and 1975 (Chambers) 2000. The American movement against the Vietnam War was the most successful antiwar movement in U. S. history. The Neo-Marxism social theory is easily applied to the Anti-War Movement. The characteristics of the conflict were disorder, boycotts, intense conflict, commitment, and emotional involvement all of which resulted in system change. The activists involved in the Anti-War movement of this time were passionate and dedicated to seek change. They sought out peace and love for our Country and did not lose sight of their objective. They went to great lengths to achieve what seemed like the impossible. References http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1O126-VietnamAntiwarMovement.html